In February, Congress passed a standalone
defense spending bill that breaks free from the caps imposed by the Budget Control
Act. It approved $700 billion for 2018
and $716 billion for 2019, and the Department of Defense intends to use the first
predictable defense budget in years to rebuild legacy equipment, upsize training
and maintenance programs, and invest in new systems including aircraft carriers
and missile defense interceptors. With
funding for DOD confirmed and locked in, Congress turned to a larger appropriations
bill to fund the government through September 2018, and when the dust settled
in March, they had only approved $1.6 billion to spend on fencing along the
U.S.-Mexico border.
What’s more, that $1.6 billion is designated
for rebuilding existing fences and constructing “operationally effective
designs,” so it can’t be used to build any of President Trump’s new,
prototype wall designs. As presidents
tend to do when they run into Congressional resistance, President Trump has
asked Secretary of Defense Mattis to provide him with options
to use some of the $700 billion of DOD funding to begin construction of his $25
billion wall, because the White House believes that the wall is necessary to
the defense of the country.
Critics and scholars alike have pointed
out that the President won’t be able to find $25 billion available to loot in
the defense spending bill, because of limitations
on how appropriated money can be used. Most
of the limitations, though, stem from threats of lawsuits and negative reactions
from members of Congress whose districts will lose out on construction projects
run by the military, and President Trump might not be terribly sensitive to those
threats. Realistically, the President could
obtain somewhere in the neighborhood of a few
hundred million dollars from the defense budget to break ground on his
border wall, which by itself would be a rhetorical victory in the eyes of his
constituents.
Some critics argue that taking money
away from other DOD projects to fund the wall would cripple the military, but Secretary
Mattis’ spokesperson sees that as a “bridge
too far.” Instead, Secretary Mattis is committed to providing options to
the President, and while you might disagree with the specific policy measure
the White House is proposing, is it unreasonable to maintain flexibility in the
appropriations process of the department charged with responding to a
continuously evolving threat environment?
There are already massive chunks of
the defense budget that are dedicated to contingency operations, which can easily
be moved around (although probably not to wall funding). The standalone defense spending bill itself
represents an attempt to untether DOD’s funding from the dysfunction of
Congressional budget battles. Which is
more important? Predictable budgets, or
the flexibility to adjust to changing executive priorities?
No comments:
Post a Comment