What effect will the rising predominance of non-state actors
have on the allocation of money in the defense budget? The era after the Cold War has brought a
different setting to the international political scene. With that different setting, we also see
different military needs than the U.S. had up to and through the 1980s. Whenever the enemy of the moment is no longer
a state, but instead is an insurgent or terrorist group, how does that change
where we should allocate money for defense spending?
Whenever we are fighting groups like Al Qaeda or ISIS, how
useful are aircraft carriers? How useful
are nuclear weapons? How useful is
airpower? Are either bombers or fighters
more or less useful? No matter what the
answers to these individual questions are, will the defense budget be adjusted
accordingly, so that it allocates money to the most useful areas for the war we
are currently fighting? Unfortunately,
probably not. Instead, each branch of
the military will fight tooth and nail to maintain their piece of the budgetary
pie.
So, does maintaining the status quo on military spending
hurt U.S. fighting power? Or does it
maintain balance for the long term and save us from a readiness stumble in the future? If we did adjust defense spending so that it
was directed toward fighting non-state actors most effectively, could that hurt
us in the long run if conflict patterns change in the future?
The answer to this and what we should do about allocation of
money in the defense budget depends on where and how we think conflicts are
going to happen in the future? Is
conflict going to continue to surround non-state actors? Or is conflict going to revert back to being
between states? How confident are we
about our answers to these questions? We
need to use the answers to these questions to make decisions about the future
of the defense budget, but we need to be very confident that our answers are
correct before we use them for this purpose.
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